Mosque Pit

Rocking out with Muslim punks.

Photo: Christopher Dilts

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In a back room at Ronny’s, a bar on the west side of Chicago, Marwan Kamel stands onstage, leans back, and sings at the top of his lungs in Arabic, “Long live Palestine!” Twenty-three-year-old Kamel is the front man for Al-Thawra, one of the most active bands in the Muslim punk subculture known as “Taqwacore.” Tonight’s small crowd is composed of twentysomething white punks and a bunch of young American Muslims, including a couple of Palestinian kids dressed in black and Indian and Afghan girls wearing hijabs.

The eclectic scene was inspired by The Taqwacores, a 2003 novel set in a house full of Muslim hipsters who reject their parents’ and secular society’s rules and interpret their religion on their own terms. (Taqwa is Arabic for “consciousness of God.”) “There is a cool Islam out there,” says one of the characters. “You just have to find it.” The sense of longing captured in the book hit a nerve, and real-life kids soon began to emulate the book’s hybrid of faith and underground culture.

“Taqwacore is like a middle finger in both directions,” says Michael Muhammad Knight, the 31-year-old author of The Taqwacores, a white, blue-eyed convert from upstate New York who discovered Islam while reading The Autobiography of Malcolm X as a teen. “It’s, like, rebelling against Islam and America at the same time.” One band, the Kominas (“bastards” in Punjabi), writes acerbic songs that sound like grounds for inclusion on the no-fly list (“Suicide Bomb the Gap”; “Blow Shit Up”). But the music’s not all about defiance, says Al-Thawra’s Kamel after the gig at Ronny’s. “We’re just showing the human side of it,” he says. “Most people don’t have exposure to real Muslims, who happen to be fucked-up people, too.”

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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