Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.


The 218-member, bipartisan Congressional Sportsmen’s Caucus, established in 1989 in part to preserve and protect America’s habitat, is one of the largest, most powerful, and least known caucuses on Capitol Hill.

“At first we focused on safeguarding the interests of hunters. Since then, the agenda has broadened,” says Dallas Miner, president of the Congressional Sportsmen’s Foundation, a nonprofit that promotes the goals and activities of the CSC.

“Broadened,” say critics, is too kind. “CSC is nothing but a conduit for the oil and gas lobby, developers, and the gun lobby to have influence with caucus members,” says Peter Kelley of the League of Conservation Voters. On private duck-hunting reserves in Maryland, CSC boys bond with corporate execs who have agendas to push and money to burn. Groups like the Smokeless Tobacco Council hold clay pigeon shoots to aid the foundation, charging lobbyists up to $600 to hobnob with members.

Working rent-free out of the D.C. office of the Olin Corporation (the Winchester folks), the foundation receives financial support from a virtual who’s who of hunters’ rights and big oil: the NRA, Safari Club International, American Cyanamid, Chevron, Dow Chemical, and the National Cattlemen’s Association. “It shows CSC [members] to be fraudulent conservationists,” says Wayne Pacelle of the Humane Society of the U.S. “They’re pimps for corporate America.”

With powerful Judiciary Chairman Jack Brooks and Energy and Commerce Chairman John Dingell as members, CSC victories in 1994 included: amendments to the Marine Mammal Protection Act (letting U.S. hunters import their polar bear trophies) and the California Desert Protection Act (which will likely permit continued hunting on a large chunk of land designated for protection); and a hunters’ rights provision attached to the crime bill forbidding protesters from interfering with hunts on federal land.

CSC is girding for battle over the Endangered Species Act during the 104th Congress. Caucus member Rep. Billy Tauzin, D-La., has introduced HR 1490, termed a blueprint for extinction by the National Wildlife Federation. More than two-thirds of the co-sponsors of a dubious wetlands bill (HR 1330) are CSC members, and many others back an industry-supported mining bill (S 775). With friends like these, who needs developers?

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

We Recommend

Latest

Sign up for our free newsletter

Subscribe to the Mother Jones Daily to have our top stories delivered directly to your inbox.

Get our award-winning magazine

Save big on a full year of investigations, ideas, and insights.

Subscribe

Support our journalism

Help Mother Jones' reporters dig deep with a tax-deductible donation.

Donate