Paying the Pipers

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Idly flipping through the latest glossy pop music magazines, it’s easy to imagine that most musicians lead lives of leisure, living out a rock and roll fantasy filled with long days spent counting stacks of money. But in truth, only about 40 percent of performing musicians even make a living from their music, and many depend on regular income from royalties — payments made to songwriters and performers based on airplay, record sales, and live performances of their work. If a retailers’ lobbying group has its way in Congress, however, the amount of royalties paid out will soon be severely limited.

Senators Jesse Helms (R-N.C.) and Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.) are pushing a bill titled “The Fairness in Musical Licensing Act” (S. 28), currently being heard by the Senate Judiciary Committee (Rep. James Sensenbrenner (R-Wisc.) has entered the same bill in the House, as H.R. 789). In short, the bill would: absolve commercial establishments like bars and restaurants from paying royalties unless they charge admission; limit royalty payments for performances on radio, television, satellite and cable; and exempt commercial jingles under 60 seconds from royalties. Its opponents also claim it could exempt religious broadcasters from paying any royalties.

The National Restaurant Association and 17 other trade associations, calling themselves the “Fairness in Musical Licensing Coalition,” have lobbied hard for the bill. Currently, establishments that play music in-house, from sidewalk cafes to dental offices, pay a nominal fee (typically $500-$600 yearly) to music publishers such as Broadcast Music Inc. (BMI) and the American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers (ASCAP). National Religious Broadcasters, an association of Christian radio stations, supports the bill, arguing that its members should be exempt from this blanket royalty fee because most of their programming is not music-based; it also rejects the per-program license fees that publishers now offer to remedy that situation, claiming that these are too cumbersome and expensive.

ASCAP and BMI already have reached agreements with the National Licensed Beverage Association to exempt small “Mom-and-Pop” bars and restaurants from paying any royalties at all, which suggests that Helms, Thurmond and Sensenbrenner are jumping the gun — or jumping through hoops for the powerful National Restaurant Association, whose heavily Republican PAC gave the senators $6,000 each in 1995-96 (Sensenbrenner got just $5,000). Previous attempts with similar bills have never made it past committee, but this time the bill has more backers. Should it become law, musicians would find themselves squeezed tighter than ever — which is nobody’s musical fantasy.

What You Can Do

BMI’s and ASCAP’s Web sites feature sample letters to Congress, for use by concerned citizens or affiliated songwriters; ASCAP’s “Open Letter to Congress” has been signed by such luminaries as Stephen Sondheim, Billy Joel, Lesley Gore and Quincy Jones.

Independent organizations such as the Music Educators National Conference and the National Association of Songwriters have spoken out against the bill as well.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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