Cheney’s Blackout

The General Accounting Office has finally blinked.

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The investigative arm of Congress released a report Monday declaring that administration stonewalling has made it impossible to determine how much influence industry players had over the government’s 2001 energy policy.

Congressional investigators have been trying for more than a year to determine whether the task force — launched by Vice President Dick Cheney on just his 10th day in office — provided the veep’s industry chums an inside track in crafting the policy. On Tuesday, Jennifer Millerwise, a spokeswoman for CheneyÕs office, “welcomed” the release the GAO report. Perhaps that’s because, with the investigation effectively killed, the allegations of gross ethical misdeeds by Cheney remain just that — allegations.

Those allegations aren’t going to disappear, of course. And the report actually vindicates some of the complaints that the task force, ostensibly formed to solicit advice and input from all sides, became little more than a means by which the administration’s deep-pocket donors in the energy industry steered national policy. As Mike Allen of The Washington Post reports, the GAO report at least sheds a little more light on who was involved — and the participant list reads like a roll call of energy industry heavies.

“The GAO said in the report that Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham privately discussed the formulation of Bush’s policy ‘with chief executive officers of petroleum, electricity, nuclear, coal, chemical, and natural gas companies, among others.’

An energy task force, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, relied for outside advice primarily on ‘petroleum, coal, nuclear, natural gas, electricity industry representatives and lobbyists,’ while seeking limited input from academic specialists, environmentalists, and policy groups, the GAO said.

The report said several corporations and associations, including Chevron Corp. (now part of ChevronTexaco Corp.) and the National Mining Association, gave detailed energy policy recommendations.”

What the report didn’t, or rather couldn’t, conclude was how much influence coroporations had on the energy task force. According to Reuters the agencies involved in the task force stymied the inquiry by refusing to provide investigators with meaningful data on how much was spent in drafting the policy, or what industry recommendations were incorporated into the final plan.

“‘The extent to which submissions from any of these stakeholders were solicited, influenced policy deliberations, or were incorporated into the final report is not something that we can determine based on the limited information at our disposal,’ the GAO said.

Administration officials did not account for much of the money spent on the task force and could not remember whether anyone took official notes during the 10 cabinet-level meetings the group held in 2001, the investigators said.”

In justifying the 14 months of stonewalling, White House officials have consistently argued that the GAO had “overstepped its bounds,” and that turning over task force records would hamper their ability to get “unvarnished” advice. But the editors of the The Charlotte Observer contend that it is Cheney — not the GAO — who has gone too far.

“Presidential prerogatives are not genuinely compromised by letting the public know who has been invited to affect major policy.

Administration officials have created a dog’s breakfast of bad appearances by engaging in behavior that inescapably suggests they have something to hide. This is bad for the White House and bad for the country. The administration should change course and display some essential interest in coming clean with the public about a major piece of public business.”

The Observer certainly isn’t alone in recognizing the damage done by the administration’s evasions. But David M. Walker, the Comptroller of the United States and head of the GAO, tells the Post’s Allen that the scuttling of this investigation carries much larger implications for government accountability.

“Walker said the energy investigation was the first instance since he took office in November 1998 in which the GAO was unable to do its job and produce a report according to generally accepted government auditing standards.

‘The Congress and the American people had the right to know the limited amount of information we were seeking,’ Walker said.”

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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