Are We Better Off: When Bush Comes to Town

Making sure the president’s rare foreign visits go smoothly — even if it means curtailing some freedoms.

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George W. Bush’s aversion to international travel is legendary. But when the leader of the Free
World does emerge from his domestic bubble, look out—especially if you happen to live where
he’s headed. That’s because the president’s hosts and handlers will go to extreme lengths—from
suspending civil liberties to tearing down substandard housing—to make sure his trips
come off without a hitch.

Lima, Peru
March 2002, 17 hours
While Bush praised President Alejandro Toledo’s “commitment to democracy,” the Peruvian government
shut down Lima’s airspace and banned all demonstrations. Seven thousand security officers hit
the streets, teargassing and arresting the (fool)hardy few who came out to protest.

Gorée Island, Senegal
July 2003, 6 hours
Residents were roused at daybreak so U.S. security teams could search their houses with dogs.
They were then herded into a soccer stadium, where, as one local put it, “we were shut up like sheep,”
while Bush visited the island’s infamous former slave depot.

Manila, Philippines
October 2003, 8 hours
The city spent $180,000 repainting streets, planting flowers—and bulldozing slums.
Bullhorn-wielding authorities told the residents of one shantytown, “Either you tear down your
houses yourself, or we’ll tear them down for you. President Bush is coming!”

Bali, Indonesia
October 2003, 3 hours
At least 5,000 security and military personnel were deployed to protect Bush during his Indonesian
layover. Tourists shared the beaches with tanks and complained of being locked in their hotels.

Bangkok, Thailand
October 2003, 3 days
Ten thousand homeless people were detained in army camps, 3,000 stray dogs were hauled off to
the countryside, and sex workers were told to lie low. A quarter-mile-long, four-story-high banner
depicting scenes from Thai history was raised to hide a sprawling slum.

London, England
November 2003, 4 days
British officials showed some backbone by refusing U.S. requests to shut down the London Underground,
bomb-proof Buckingham Palace, arm the presidential motorcade with heavy machine guns, and extend
diplomatic immunity to American snipers. However, the president was guarded like royalty, with
a security detail that included 700 Secret Service agents and 5,000 bobbies.

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“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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