There’s Still No Penalty for Shamelessness

Exhibit A: Ken Paxton’s election lawsuit.

Tony Gutierrez/AP

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Ken Paxton was never going to have an easy reelection campaign. The Texas Republican attorney general, who filed a lawsuit in 2020 that would have overturned the presidential election by throwing out the electoral votes of four Biden-won states, has been under indictment since 2015 for alleged securities fraud. Much of his staff resigned en masse two years ago and accused him of using his office to benefit a businessman who had hired the woman with whom Paxton had conducted a lengthy affair. He’s drawn a number of primary challengers, including right-wing Rep. Louie Gohmert and state land commissioner George P. Bush, the nephew of the 43rd president.

But while polls still show Paxton lagging below the 50 percent threshold needed to avoid a runoff in next months’s primary, so far neither Gohmert nor Bush have gained much traction. And an interview Bush did this week with the Washington Post offers some explanation as to why: 

When asked about the 2020 election in an interview, Bush contrasted Paxton’s unsuccessful lawsuit with what lawyers for his “Uncle George” did to prevail in Florida’s recount of the 2000 election. 

“James Baker built an incredible legal team that went into the jurisdictions in question and challenged the legal standard that was applied to counting ballots,” Bush said in an interview. “That’s how you do it. You don’t wait until after an election, which is what Ken Paxton did, filing the most frivolous lawsuit in Texas history.”

“Do I disagree with the intent?” Bush added. “No, I don’t. But legally, it was laughable.”

In other words, Republicans would have been better off replicating George W. Bush’s legal strategy in Florida than Trump’s absurdist Four Seasons Total Landscaping bit. And that seems sort of obvious: Of course Republicans would have preferred to do the thing that worked, and to only have to do it in a handful of counties in one state. But James Baker had a far more plausible path to doing that than Trump’s team did, because the 2020 election wasn’t actually close. The attempts by Republican lawyers to challenge the results in individual jurisdictions, as Baker did in 2000, were almost universally laughed out of court.

This is sort of the difficulty of running against someone like Paxton: The incumbent is speaking very shamelessly about the Big Lie, and his opponent is left sounding like someone who wants the coup to be means-tested.

Paxton is a bad lawyer (or at least he can play one when he wants to), but Bush has a hard time articulating why, because the textbook example of that—a brief that was submitted by a conservative activist and littered with inaccuracies, that was rejected by the Supreme Court, and that was so transparently in bad faith that it triggered a state bar investigation—was also so popular it got him invited to Washington and endorsed by the ex-president. Just like George P. Bush, staffers in the Florida attorney general’s office mocked the brief when it was first field. But then their boss signed onto it, too. Shamelessness, it turns out, is still quite useful in today’s Republican Party. 

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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