Trump’s Family Is Making Even More Money Off His Campaign Than We Previously Knew

Don Jr. and Kimberly Guilfoyle

Donald Trump Jr. and Kimberly Guilfoyle arrive for President Donald Trump's re-election kickoff rally at the Amway Center, Tuesday, June 18, 2019, in Orlando. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)

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Let me tell you about the very rich. They are different from you and me. For one thing, they apparently have no qualms about taking money from donors and using it instead to pay exorbitant salaries to the significant others of a billionaire’s heirs—all through a secretive third party that allows them to avoid disclosure on Federal Elections Commission reports. That sounds like a ridiculous caricature of elite grifter activity, but according to HuffPost‘s S.V. Date, President Donald Trump’s reelection campaign has been doing exactly that:

Kimberly Guilfoyle, the girlfriend of eldest son Donald Trump Jr., and Lara Trump, wife of middle son Eric Trump, are each receiving $15,000 a month, according to two GOP sources who are informal White House advisers and who spoke on condition of anonymity.

They were unsure when the payments began but say they are being made by campaign manager Bradley Parscale through his company rather than directly by either the campaign or the party in order to avoid public reporting requirements.

“I can pay them however I want to pay them,” Parscale told HuffPost on Friday, but then declined to comment any further.

$180,000-a-year? In this economy?

It’s not super unusual for family members to show up on a campaign payroll—they are, after all, some of the first people to sign on to a campaign, and often find themselves putting in long hours fundraising, campaign-managing, and speaking to the press. (Even less unusual is reimbursing family members for the travel expenses they incur.)

But it’s not as if the Trumps are some scrappy little family that needs the money; these expenses fit into a longstanding pattern of self-enrichment for Trump’s family and his campaign. As my colleague Pema Levy recently noted in a profile of Parscale, the Trump campaign has been structured as much as a money-making scheme for those around him as a political operation. “In Parscale,” she wrote, “Trump may not have hired the best person, but he hired the one most like himself.” Date notes in his story that Trump has been making big bucks off his campaign ever since he launched it—by renting out his own office space to his campaign, and through the prodigious use of his properties for Republican fundraisers. In a sense, Trump is double-billing Republican donors—they’re paying Trump to raise money for Trump, and then he’s skimming even more money off the amount raised to pay other family members.

It’s a good gig if you can get it! Still, on a human level, there is something sad about paying your daughter-in-law $180,000 to say nice things about you.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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