Feds Investigate Transocean’s Possible Ties to Burmese Drug Clan

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The world’s most infamous drilling firm, Transocean, has been slapped with a subpoena by the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) over one of its projects in Burma. Basically, the drilling-platform operator best known for its exploding Deepwater Horizon rig is drilling in Burmese waters co-owned by a family of drug lords (including the “Godfather of Heroin”) with whom it is verboten to do business under federal sanctions. The government wants to know if any sanctioned parties are actually listed on the drilling contract, and if Transocean was aware who it was dealing with.

I want to know something different: Who cares?

Though it sounds juicy, this story entirely misses the forest for the trees. This isn’t the first time Transocean has worked in Burma: It also handled exploratory drilling for Daewoo’s stake in the country’s giant Shwe gas reserves; but since Daewoo’s not blacklisted, that was okay. And Transocean isn’t the only American company with interests in Burmese energy. Chevron helps operate a pipeline that earned the dictatorship more than $1 billion in 2008 and is the single largest source of income for a regime that propagates genocide and is allegedly trying to build nukes. But that’s okay because Chevron lobbyists got some big fat loopholes in the US sanctions, guaranteeing the company doesn’t have to divest. All of which doesn’t matter much anyhow, because the plenty of other countries profiting off Burma’s resources would be happy to grab up the American companies’ stakes if they had to abandon them. Even the Congressional Research Service recently released a report (pdf) saying that more than a decade of US sanctions hasn’t had any demonstrable impact on the junta’s finances or power.

The Transocean probe will likely end up being as inconsequential as the sanctions the company might be violating. “We do not expect the liability,” Transocean has stated in company filings, “if any, resulting from these inquiries to have a material adverse effect on our consolidated statement of financial position, results of operations or cash flows.” In this case, the company’s rosy PR assessment probably isn’t just spin.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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